|
鍙嬫儏鎻愮ず锛氭湰绔欐彁渚涘叏鍦�400澶氭墍楂樼瓑闄㈡牎鎷涙敹纰╁＋銆佸崥澹爺绌剁敓鍏ュ(xu茅)鑰冭│姝峰勾鑰冪爺鐪熼銆佽€冨崥鐪熼銆佺瓟妗�锛岄儴鍒嗗(xu茅)鏍℃洿鏂拌嚦2012骞达紝2013骞�锛涘潎鎻愪緵鏀惰不(f猫i)涓嬭級銆� 涓嬭級娴佺▼锛� 鑰冪爺鐪熼 榛�(di菐n)鎿娾€�鑰冪爺瑭﹀嵎鈥濃€濅笅杓�; 鑰冨崥鐪熼 榛�(di菐n)鎿娾€�鑰冨崥瑭﹀嵎搴�鈥� 涓嬭級
2018 骞寸ⅸ澹爺绌剁敓鎷涚敓鑰冭│瑭﹂
绉戠洰浠ｇ⒓鍙婂悕绋�: 621 鑻辫獮鍩虹(ch菙) 閬╃敤灏堟キ(y猫)锛氳嫳瑾炶獮瑷€鏂囧(xu茅)
锛堣珛(q菒ng)鑰冪敓鍦ㄧ瓟椤岀礄涓婄瓟椤�锛屽湪姝よ│椤岀礄涓婄瓟椤岀劇鏁堬級
Part One Blank-filling (鏈瘈(ji茅)鍏� 20 鍒�)
For each blank in the following passage you are requested to fill in only ONE word.
Fast and Dirty
Food delivery is a booming business. Waste is piling up, too. Three couriers in hard helmets
cram into an office lift in Beijing鈥攐ne clad in red, one in yellow and one in blue. The trios are
dispatching food that was purchased online through China鈥檚 most popular meal-ordering firms,
which (1) urban roads every midday with their colorful delivery people on electric bicycles.
Delivery fees as (2) as three yuan ($0.46) have helped to transform urban lunch-hours. But the
booming business is also fuelling concerns about everything from (3) to the abuse of workers.
Such services鈥攚hich enable users of a single site to (4) food from a swathe of local
restaurants鈥攁re expanding around the world. But in China the industry is on a tear. By the end
of June, the number of registered users had risen to 295m, 40% more than at the end of last year,
according to government analysts. The value of meals bought (5) was about $25bn in 2016 and
could (6) to around $36bn by the end of next year, says iiMedia, a research firm. The market
leaders are Meituan and Ele.me. Both still make losses in food delivery, but they have backing
from Tencent and Alibaba (7) 鈥� tech giants eager to find ways of pushing customers to their
dueling online payment systems.
Such businesses first began to take (8) in student dormitories. In these days young
office-workers are by far the biggest market. But there is much hand-wringing about the
consequences of their popularity. Officials say the couriers threaten road (9). They ride electric
bikes which are cheap, need no license and are handy in cities like Beijing that (10) the use of
motorcycles. Delivery people often mount pavements or drive (11) the flow of traffic to
maximize earnings during the lunchtime (12). Last month officials in Nanjing said meal delivery
bikes in the eastern city had been involved in more than 3,000 accidents in the first six months of
the year. In one district of Shanghai police have (13) a penalty-points system. They order those
who acquire a certain number of points to perform community (14). The police can ask couriers鈥�
绗� 1 闋�锛屽叡 5 闋�
employers to fire them.
Another worry is the welfare of delivery people, many of whom are migrants from the
countryside. In several ways they have it easier than other types of courier: food boxes are easier
to (15) than bulky parcels, and the recipients are always there. But China Labor Bulletin, an
NGO in Hong Kong, says meal deliverers have been staging growing numbers of protests about
poor treatment by their employers (usually subcontractors), including wages (16) late. Linking
their pay to customer ratings has also made it easy for customers to demand more of them than
they should: the purchase of groceries en route (17) their destinations, for example, or the
disposal of household rubbish.
Most hotly debated of late is the impact the business is having on the environment. Each day
about 65m meal-containers are (18), by one estimate. Campaigners object to the unwanted
cutlery, napkins and chopsticks that restaurants selling through online platforms habitually
bundle with orders. The Green Volunteer League of Chongqing, a Chinese NGO, says that
food-delivery sites have not made it easy enough for customers to refuse such sundries (the big
companies deny this). In September a court in Beijing agreed to examine whether they have (19)
consumers鈥� rights. There would be much less reason to worry about the mountains of waste if
households and local governments did a better job of keeping recyclables separate from gunk.
This year the central government ordered 46 cities to come (20) with new systems for sorting
rubbish, which it talks of making mandatory by 2020. That is progress, but only if it is
unwavering: over the years officials have found several similar campaigns all too easy to throw
out.
Part Two Reading Comprehension 锛堟湰绡€(ji茅)鍚叐灏忛儴鍒�锛屽叡 40 鍒嗭級
Comics is a medium used to express ideas by images, often combined with text or other
visual information. Comics frequently takes the form of juxtaposed sequences锛�21锛塷f panels of
images. Often textual devices such as speech balloons, captions, and onomatopoeia indicate
dialogue, narration, sound effects, or other information. Size and arrangement of panels
contribute to narrative pacing锛�22锛�. Cartooning and similar forms of illustration are the most
common image-making means in comics; fumetti is a form which uses photographic images.
Common forms of comics include comic strips, editorial and gag cartoons, and comic books.
Since the late 20th century, bound volumes such as graphic novels, comic albums, and tank艒bon
have become increasingly common, and online web-comics have proliferated锛�23锛塱n the 21st
绗� 2 闋侊紝鍏� 5 闋�
century.
The history of comics has followed different paths in different cultures. Scholars have
posited a pre-history as far back as the Lascaux cave paintings. By the mid-20th century, comics
flourished particularly in the United States, Western Europe (especially in France and Belgium),
and Japan. The history of European comics is often traced to Rodolphe T?pffer's cartoon strips
of the 1830s, and became popular following the success in the 1930s of strips and books such as
The Adventures of Tintin. American comics emerged as a mass medium in the early 20th century
with the advent of newspaper comic strips; magazine-style comic books followed in the 1930s,
in which the superhero genre became prominent after Superman appeared in 1938. Histories of
Japanese comics and cartooning propose origins as early as the 12th century. Modern comic
strips emerged in Japan in the early 20th century, and the output of comics magazines and books
rapidly expanded in the post-World War II era with the popularity of cartoonists such as Osamu
Tezuka. Comics has had a lowbrow锛�24锛塺eputation for much of its history, but towards the end of
the 20th century began to find greater acceptance with the public and in academia锛�25锛�.
The English term comics is used as a singular noun when it refers to the medium and a plural
when referring to particular instances, such as individual strips or comic books. Though the term
derives from the humorous (or comic) work that predominated in early American newspaper
comic strips, it has become standard also for non-humorous works. It is common in English to
refer to the comics of different cultures by the terms used in their original languages, such as
manga for Japanese comics, or bandes dessin茅es for French-language comics. There is no
consensus amongst theorists and historians on a definition of comics; some emphasize the
combination of images and text, some sequentiality锛�26锛� or other image relations, and others
historical aspects such as mass reproduction or the use of recurring characters. The increasing
cross-pollination of concepts from different comics cultures and eras has further made definition
difficult.
The European, American, and Japanese comics traditions have followed different paths.
Europeans have seen their tradition as beginning with the Swiss Rodolphe T?pffer from as early
as 1827 and Americans have seen the origin of theirs in Richard F. Outcault's 1890s newspaper
strip The Yellow Kid, though many Americans have come to recognize T?pffer's precedence锛�27锛�.
Japan had a long prehistory of satirical cartoons and comics leading up to the World War II era.
The ukiyo-e artist Hokusai popularized the Japanese term for comics and cartooning, manga, in
the early 19th century. In the post-war era modern Japanese comics began to flourish when
Osamu Tezuka produced a prolific锛�28锛塨ody of work. Towards the close of the 20th century,
绗� 3 闋�锛屽叡 5 闋�
these three traditions converged锛�29锛塱n a trend towards book-length comics: the comic album in
Europe, the tank艒bon in Japan, and the graphic novel in the English-speaking countries.
Outside of these genealogies, comics theorists and historians have seen precedents for
comics in the Lascaux cave paintings in France (some of which appear to be chronological
sequences of images), Egyptian hieroglyphs, Trajan's Column in Rome, the 11th-century
Norman Bayeux Tapestry, the 1370 bois Protat woodcut, the 15th-century Ars moriendi and
block books, Michelangelo's The Last Judgment in the Sistine Chapel, and William Hogarth's
18th-century sequential engravings锛�30锛�, amongst others.
Language Work Based on the above Passage
(I) Explain the underlined parts (number 21--30) above on the Answer Sheet
(绗� 1 绡€(ji茅)姣忛 2 鍒�锛屽叡 20 鍒�)锛堥铏�(h脿o)锛�21-30 璜�(q菒ng)绛斿湪绛旈绱欎笂锛�
21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.
(II) Answer the following two questions according to the article and write your
interpretation. (绗� 2 绡€(ji茅)姣忛 10 鍒�锛屽叡 20 鍒�)
31. What is the essential element concerning the definition of comics?
32. Why was the comics popular in Japan in the modern era?
Part Three Translation work (鏈瘈(ji茅)鍏� 40 鍒�)
Put the following passages into English.
锛圓锛�
鎴戞兂锛屽叾瀵�(sh铆)瑾伴兘鏈変竴鍊�(g猫)灏忓皬鑺卞湌锛岄€欎究鏄垜鍊戠殑鍏�(n猫i)蹇冧笘鐣�銆備汉鐨勬櫤鍔涢渶瑕侀枊鐧�(f膩)锛屼汉鐨勫収(n猫i)蹇冧笘鐣屼篃鏄渶
瑕侀枊鐧�(f膩)鐨�銆備汉鍜屽嫊(d貌ng)鐗╃殑鍗€(q奴)鍒ワ紝闄や簡鐪炬墍鍛ㄧ煡鐨勮澶氭柟闈�锛屾亹鎬曢倓鍦ㄤ簬浜烘湁鍏�(n猫i)蹇冧笘鐣屻€傚績涓嶉亷鏄汉鐨勪竴
鍊�(g猫)閲嶈鑷熷櫒锛岃€屽収(n猫i)蹇冧笘鐣屾槸涓€绋櫙瑙€锛屽畠鏄敱澶栭儴涓栫晫涓嶆柗鍦颁綔鐢ㄤ簬鍏�(n猫i)蹇冩几婕稿舰鎴愮殑銆傛瘡鍊�(g猫)浜洪兘鐒℃瘮
闂�(gu膩n)娉ㄨ嚜宸卞強鑷宠Κ鑷虫剾涔嬩汉蹇冭嚐鐨勬几鎼�锛屼互鑷充簬绋嶆湁寰柧渚挎兌鎯朵笉鍙祩鏃�銆備絾骞堕潪姣忓€�(g猫)浜洪兘闂�(gu膩n)娉ㄨ嚜宸卞強
鑷宠Κ鑷虫剾涔嬩汉鐨勫収(n猫i)蹇冧笘鐣岀殑闄版櫞銆�
锛圔锛�
澶ц嚜鐒跺皪(du矛)浜虹殑鎭╄硿锛岀劇璜栬钵瀵�锛屼竴寰嬪钩绛夈€傛墍浠ヤ汉鍊戝皪(du矛)浜庡ぇ鑷劧锛屽叏閮戒竴鑷村苟娣辨繁鍦颁緷璩磋憲銆傚挨鍏跺湪
閯�(xi膩ng)闁�锛屼笂鍗冨勾渚嗕汉鍊戜竴鐩翠互涓嶈畩鐨勬柟寮忕敓娲昏憲銆傜ó妞嶈帄绋煎拰钁¤悇锛岄噣閰掑拰椋查厭锛屽杺鐗涘拰鎿犲ザ锛岄嫟鑽夊拰
杓夎姳锛涘湪鍛ㄦ湯鍘绘暀鍫傜绂卞拰鍋氱Ξ鎷�锛屽湪绡€(ji茅)鏃ュ埌寤ｅ牬(ch菐ng)鎷夌惔銆佽烦鑸炲拰鍞辨瓕锛涘線鏃ョ殑鐢板湌渚濊垔鏄粖鏃ョ殑婧Θ
瀹跺湌銆傞€欐ǎ锛屾瘡鍊�(g猫)鍦版柟閮芥湁鑷繁鐨勫偝瑾�锛岄ⅷ(f膿ng)淇椾篃灏辫鍌充簡涓嬩締銆�
绗� 4 闋�锛屽叡 5 闋�
Part Four Essay-writing (鏈瘈(ji茅)鍏� 50 鍒�)
Read the passage below and then name a title for your interpretation on it in an
essay-form. Word limit: 450-500.
(Please write your essay on the Answer Sheet)
Estimating Offshore Wealth
鈥淏uried treasure鈥� (October 7th) reports on the latest work by Gabriel Zucman and colleagues
on wealth held in offshore financial centres. But Mr. Zucman鈥檚 figure for the amount of wealth
held offshore, while lower than some of the more exaggerated estimates, does not hold water. In
my opinion, looking at both his latest work and his 2015 book, 鈥淭he Hidden Wealth of Nations鈥�,
Mr. Zucman鈥檚 analysis is misleading and flawed. For example, he claims that the difference
between IMF data on total global assets held across borders and data on cross-border liabilities
accounts for the amount held in secretive tax havens. In fact, any such discrepancy is the result
of a systematic underreporting of foreign assets because of a lack of information from big,
asset-rich countries, such as China and many in the Middle East. These places do not report in
detail to the international statistics-collecting agencies.
Furthermore, the bold assumption in his book that 80% of all wealth offshore is undeclared
to the relevant tax authorities is based on one piece of evidence: the declarations of EU residents
with Swiss bank accounts seeking amnesty for historical deposits made while Switzerland
upheld its secrecy laws. This is hardly a sound basis for calculating offshore wealth and is
certainly not representative of other international finance centres, most of which have never had
banking secrecy and have adopted transparency and anti-money laundering rules faster and more
deeply than the G7.
Mr. Zucman makes no mention of the many benefits that international finance centres bring
to the development of global wealth. These centres boost cross border trade and financial
intermediation and play a critical part in facilitating growth around the world. Investment
through Jersey, for instance, can have a positive effect for vital public services in other countries.
By creating a clear and safe environment for investors, we contribute to a more promising future
where everyone benefits, including those who need it most. I look forward to reading a report
which considers all the facts. Only then can a constructive discussion be held.
绗� 5 闋侊紝鍏� 5 闋�
鍏嶈铂(z茅)鑱叉槑锛氭湰鏂囩郴杞�(zhu菐n)杓夎嚜缍�(w菐ng)绲�(lu貌)锛屽鏈変镜鐘�锛岃珛(q菒ng)鑱�(li谩n)绯绘垜鍊戠珛鍗冲埅闄わ紝鍙︼細鏈枃鍍呬唬琛ㄤ綔鑰呭€�(g猫)浜鸿榛�(di菐n)锛岃垏鏈恫(w菐ng)绔欑劇闂�(gu膩n)銆傚叾鍘熷壍(chu脿ng)鎬т互鍙婃枃涓櫝杩版枃瀛楀拰鍏�(n猫i)瀹规湭缍�(j墨ng)鏈珯璀夊(sh铆)锛屽皪(du矛)鏈枃浠ュ強鍏朵腑鍏ㄩ儴鎴栬€呴儴鍒嗗収(n猫i)瀹�銆佹枃瀛楃殑鐪熷(sh铆)鎬�銆佸畬鏁存€с€佸強鏅�(sh铆)鎬ф湰绔欎笉浣滀换浣曚繚璀夋垨鎵胯锛岃珛(q菒ng)璁€鑰呭儏浣滃弮鑰�锛屽苟璜�(q菒ng)鑷鏍稿(sh铆)鐩搁棞(gu膩n)鍏�(n猫i)瀹�銆�
|
鏂囩珷鎼滅储
鎮ㄧ従(xi脿n)鍦ㄧ殑浣嶇疆锛� 
