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銆€銆€鍖椾含鏂版澅鏂瑰(xu茅)鏍� 鏉庡妽
銆€銆€鏈枃鍑鸿檿锛歂ov 26th 2009锛孎(xi脿n)rom The Economist print edition
銆€銆€鍘熸枃妯�(bi膩o)椤岋細A special report on the art market锛歋uspended animation
銆€銆€The longest bull run in a century of art-market history ended on a dramatic note with a sale of 56 works by Damien Hirst, 鈥淏eautiful Inside My Head Forever鈥�锛� at Sotheby鈥檚 in London on September 15th 2008. All but two pieces sold, fetching more than £70m, a record for a sale by a single artist. It was a last victory. As the auctioneer called out bids, in New York one of the oldest banks on Wall Street, Lehman Brothers, filed for bankruptcy銆�
銆€銆€The world art market had already been losing momentum for a while after rising vertiginously since 2003. At its peak in 2007 it was worth some $65 billion, reckons Clare McAndrew, founder of Arts Economics, a research firm鈥攄ouble the figure five years earlier. Since then it may have come down to $50 billion. But the market generates interest far beyond its size because it brings together great wealth, enormous egos, greed, passion and controversy in a way matched by few other industries銆�
銆€銆€In the weeks and months that followed Mr Hirst鈥檚 sale, spending of any sort became deeply unfashionable, especially in New York, where the bail-out of the banks coincided with the loss of thousands of jobs and the financial demise of many art-buying investors. In the art world that meant collectors stayed away from galleries and salerooms. Sales of contemporary art fell by two-thirds, and in the most overheated sector鈥攆or Chinese contemporary art鈥攖hey were down by nearly 90% in the year to November 2008. Within weeks the world鈥檚 two biggest auction houses, Sotheby鈥檚 and Christie鈥檚, had to pay out nearly $200m in guarantees to clients who had placed works for sale with them銆�
銆€銆€The current downturn in the art market is the worst since the Japanese stopped buying Impressionists at the end of 1989, a move that started the most serious contraction in the market since the Second World War. This time experts reckon that prices are about 40% down on their peak on average, though some have been far more volatile. But Edward Dolman, Christie鈥檚 chief executive, says: 鈥淚鈥檓 pretty confident we鈥檙e at the bottom?锛�?/p>
銆€銆€What makes this slump different from the last, he says, is that there are still buyers in the market, whereas in the early 1990s, when interest rates were high, there was no demand even though many collectors wanted to sell. Christie鈥檚 revenues in the first half of 2009 were still higher than in the first half of 2006. Almost everyone who was interviewed for this special report said that the biggest problem at the moment is not a lack of demand but a lack of good work to sell. The three Ds鈥攄eath, debt and divorce鈥攕till deliver works of art to the market. But anyone who does not have to sell is keeping away, waiting for confidence to return銆�
銆€銆€21. In the first paragraph, Damien Hirst's sale was referred to as 鈥渁 last victory鈥� because ____-銆�
銆€銆€A. the art market had witnessed a succession of victories
銆€銆€B. the auctioneer finally got the two pieces at the highest bids
銆€銆€C. Beautiful inside My Head Forever won over all masterpieces
銆€銆€D. it was successfully made just before the world financial crisis
銆€銆€閬搞€怐銆�锛屽洜?y脿n)姒堣皾娆㈠懗鎸濈翱閵﹕ the auctioneer called out bids, in New York one of the oldest banks on Wall Street, Lehman Brothers, filed for bankruptcy. 鍗抽浄鏇煎厔寮熷叕鍙哥牬鐢�(ch菐n)銆�
銆€銆€22. By saying 鈥渟pending of any sort became deeply unfashionable鈥�(Line 1-2,Para.3)锛宼he author suggests that_____ 銆�
銆€銆€A. collectors were no longer actively involved in art-market auctions
銆€銆€B. people stopped every kind of spending and stayed away from galleries
銆€銆€C. art collection as a fashion had lost its appeal to a great extent
銆€銆€D. works of art in general had gone out of fashion so they were not worth buying
銆€銆€閬搞€怉銆�锛屾湰椤岃糠鎯戦伕闋�(xi脿ng)鐐篊锛屾枃绔犵涓夋鍙挤(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)浜� collectors stayed away锛汼ales fell锛屽苟娌掓湁寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鈥滄敹钘忔檪(sh铆)灏氭棭鍦ㄩ€欎箣鍓嶅氨宸茬稉(j墨ng)澶уぇ闄嶆韩浜嗏€�銆�
銆€銆€23. Which of the following statements is NOT true?
銆€銆€A .Sales of contemporary art fell dramatically from 2007to 2008.
銆€銆€B. The art market surpassed many other industries in momentum銆�
銆€銆€C. The market generally went downward in various ways銆�
銆€銆€D. Some art dealers were awaiting better chances to come銆�
銆€銆€閬搞€怋銆戝洜?y脿n)妲叉伡纰岃瘷顟芥矁寰絝浜員he world art market had already been losing momentum for a while after rising vertiginously since 2003.骞舵矑鏈夎姣斿垾鐨勮妤�(y猫)鏇存湁鍕�(sh矛)闋矕鍕�銆�
銆€銆€24. The three Ds mentioned in the last paragraph are ____
銆€銆€A. auction houses' favorites
銆€銆€B. contemporary trends
銆€銆€C. factors promoting artwork circulation
銆€銆€D. styles representing impressionists
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆戞湰椤屽叾瀵�(sh铆)灞簬鐚滆椤岋紝鍟�3Ds鏄粈涔堝惈缇�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)鏈€鍚庝竴娈电殑涓婁笅鏂囩殑鍚京锛屼笂涓€娈垫灏惧彞瑾細But Edward Dolman, Christie鈥檚 chief executive, says: 鈥淚鈥檓 pretty confident we鈥檙e at the bottom銆傗€�锛涗互鍙�3Ds涔嬪墠鐨勫彞瀛�锛宼here are still buyers in the market锛汣hristie鈥檚 revenues in the first half of 2009 were still higher锛沶ot a lack of demand but a lack of good work to sell鑳芥劅瑕哄埌鍚庢枃鎳�(y墨ng)瑭茬辜绾�(x霉)琛ㄧず鏈変俊蹇�锛屽皪(du矛)灏囦締妯傝銆傛墍浠ラ伕C銆�
銆€銆€25. The most appropriate title for this text could be ___
銆€銆€A. Fluctuation of Art Prices
銆€銆€B. Up-to-date Art Auctions
銆€銆€C. Art Market in Decline
銆€銆€D. Shifted Interest in Arts
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛屾枃绔犲緸绗簩娈甸枊濮嬪氨瑾洊鐒跺ぇ瀹堕倓鏄湁淇″績锛屼絾钘濊(sh霉)鏀惰棌甯傚牬(ch菐ng)涓嶆櫙姘�銆�
銆€銆€Text 2
銆€銆€鏈枃鍑鸿檿锛歍he Washington Post, June 24, 1990
銆€銆€鍘熸枃妯�(bi膩o)椤岋細Why Is It So Hard for Men and Women to Talk to Each Other?
銆€銆€I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room -- a women's group that had invited men to join them. Throughout the evening one man had been particularly talkative frequently offering ideas and anecdotes while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly concurred. He gestured toward his wife and said "She's the talker in our family." The room burst into laughter; the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true" he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
銆€銆€This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage銆�
銆€銆€The pattern was observed by political scientist Andrew Hacker in the late '70s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book "Divorce Talk" that most of the women she interviewed -- but only a few of the men --- gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year --- a virtual epidemic of failed conversation銆�
銆€銆€In my own research complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning cooking social arrangements and errands. Instead they focused on communication: "He doesn't listen to me" "He doesn't talk to me." I found as Hacker observed years before that most wives want their husbands to be first and foremost conversational partners but few husbands share this expectation of their wives銆�
銆€銆€In short the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face while a woman glares at the back of it wanting to talk銆�
銆€銆€26. What is most wives' main expectation of their husbands?
銆€銆€A. Talking to them. B. Trusting them.
銆€銆€C. Supporting their careers. D. Sharing housework銆�
銆€銆€閬搞€怉銆�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)绗竴娈祑omen frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them.銆�
銆€銆€27. Judging from the context, the phrase 鈥渨reaking havoc鈥� (Line 3, Para.2) most probably means ___銆�
銆€銆€A. generating motivation. B. exerting influence
銆€銆€C. causing damage D. creating pressure
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛屾湰椤屽爆浜庣寽瑭為锛屽緸涓嬫枃涓昏鍏�(n猫i)瀹逛締鐪嬶紝澶缂轰箯婧濋€氭渻(hu矛)灏�(d菐o)鑷撮洟濠�锛屽嵆灏�(du矛)濠氬Щ鐢�(ch菐n)鐢熺牬澹炰綔鐢�銆�
銆€銆€28. All of the following are true EXCEPT_______
銆€銆€A. men tend to talk more in public tan women
銆€銆€B. nearly 50percent of recent divorces are caused by failed conversation
銆€銆€C. women attach much importance to communication between couples
銆€銆€D a female tends to be more talkative at home than her spouse
銆€銆€閬搞€怋銆戯紝娉ㄦ剰鏈鏄伕閷�(cu貌)瑾ら伕闋�(xi脿ng)锛孉CD閮芥槸姝g⒑鐨�锛屼絾鏄疊閬搁爡(xi脿ng)閷�(cu貌)瑾ょ殑鍘熷洜鏄伔鎻涗簡50%鐨勬瘮鐜囧皪(du矛)璞�銆傛枃绔犲彧瑾簡the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent锛屽嵆鐩墠缇庡湅(gu贸)闆㈠鐜囩偤50%锛屽苟娌掓湁瑾�50%鐨勯洟濠氱巼鏄洜?y脿n)妲跨媹顪佽搐銊旀枑鍌�?锛孊閬搁爡(xi脿ng)鐨勮娉曞ぇ澶т綆浜庢枃绔犲墠涓€鍙ヨ┍鎵€瑾殑most of the women gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorce銆�
銆€銆€29. Which of the following can best summarize the main idea of this text?
銆€銆€A. The moral decaying deserves more research by sociologists銆�
銆€銆€B. Marriage break-up stems from sex inequalities銆�
銆€銆€C. Husband and wife have different expectations from their marriage銆�
銆€銆€D. Conversational patterns between man and wife are different銆�
銆€銆€閬搞€怐銆�锛屾枃绔犱富椤屽挤(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鐢峰コ瑾┍浜ゆ祦妯″紡涓嶄竴妯�銆侫B涓殑moral鍜宨nequality涓嶇鍚堝師鏂�銆侰鏄劇涓敓鏈�銆�
銆€銆€30. In the following part immediately after this text, the author will most probably focus on ______
銆€銆€A. a vivid account of the new book Divorce Talk
銆€銆€B. a detailed description of the stereotypical cartoon
銆€銆€C. other possible reasons for a high divorce rate in the U.S銆�
銆€銆€D. a brief introduction to the political scientist Andrew Hacker
銆€銆€閬搞€怋銆戯紝鏈枃鍦嶇篂钁楃敺濂充氦娴佷笉涓€妯�锛屽皫(d菐o)鑷撮洟濠氶€欎竴鐝�(xi脿n)璞″睍闁�锛屾墍浠ヤ笅鏂囧叿楂旀渻(hu矛)闂¤堪閫欏壇鍦栫殑鐨勭窗(x矛)绡€(ji茅)瑷庤珫閫欏€�(g猫)鐝�(xi脿n)璞�銆�
銆€銆€Text 3
銆€銆€鏈枃鍑鸿檿锛氱磹绱勬檪(sh铆)鍫�(b脿o)锛孞uly 13, 2008
銆€銆€http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/13/business/13habit.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all
銆€銆€鍘熸枃妯�(bi膩o)椤岋細Warning: Habits May Be Good for You
銆€銆€Over the past decade, many companies had perfected the art of creating automatic behaviors 鈥� habits 鈥� among consumers. These habits have helped companies earn billions of dollars when customers eat snacks, apply lotions and wipe counters almost without thinking, often in response to a carefully designed set of daily cues銆�
銆€銆€鈥淭here are fundamental public health problems, like hand washing with soap, that remain killers only because we can鈥檛 figure out how to change people鈥檚 habits,鈥� Dr. Curtis said. 鈥淲e wanted to learn from private industry how to create new behaviors that happen automatically?锛�?/p>
銆€銆€The companies that Dr. Curtis turned to 鈥� Procter & Gamble, Colgate-Palmolive and Unilever 鈥� had invested hundreds of millions of dollars finding the subtle cues in consumers鈥� lives that corporations could use to introduce new routines銆�
銆€銆€If you look hard enough, you鈥檒l find that many of the products we use every day 鈥� chewing gums, skin moisturizers, disinfecting wipes, air fresheners, water purifiers, health snacks, antiperspirants, colognes, teeth whiteners, fabric softeners, vitamins 鈥� are results of manufactured habits. A century ago, few people regularly brushed their teeth multiple times a day. Today, because of canny advertising and public health campaigns, many Americans habitually give their pearly whites a cavity-preventing scrub twice a day, often with Colgate, Crest or one of the other brands銆�
銆€銆€A few decades ago, many people didn鈥檛 drink water outside of a meal. Then beverage companies started bottling the production of far-off springs, and now office workers unthinkingly sip bottled water all day long. Chewing gum, once bought primarily by adolescent boys, is now featured in commercials as a breath freshener and teeth cleanser for use after a meal. Skin moisturizers are advertised as part of morning beauty rituals, slipped in between hair brushing and putting on makeup銆�
銆€銆€鈥淥ur products succeed when they become part of daily or weekly patterns,鈥� said Carol Berning, a consumer psychologist who recently retired from Procter & Gamble, the company that sold $76 billion of Tide, Crest and other products last year. 鈥淐reating positive habits is a huge part of improving our consumers鈥� lives, and it鈥檚 essential to making new products commercially viable?锛�?/p>
銆€銆€Through experiments and observation, social scientists like Dr. Berning have learned that there is power in tying certain behaviors to habitual cues through relentless advertising. As this new science of habit has emerged, controversies have erupted when the tactics have been used to sell questionable beauty creams or unhealthy foods銆�
銆€銆€31. According to Dr.Curtis, habits like hand washing with soap________銆�
銆€銆€[A] should be further cultivated
銆€銆€[B] should be changed gradually
銆€銆€[C] are deeply rooted in history
銆€銆€[D] are basically private concerns
銆€銆€閬搞€怉銆戯紝鏈闂�(gu膩n)閸佃Dr. Curtis锛屽畾浣嶄簬绗簩娈�锛孉閬搁爡(xi脿ng)鍜岀浜屾娈靛熬鍙モ€渉ow to create new behaviors that happen automatically鈥� 鐩稿悓鍚京銆�
銆€銆€32. Bottled water, chewing gun and skin moisturizers are mentioned in Paragraph 5 so as to____
銆€銆€[A] reveal their impact on people鈥� habits
銆€銆€[B] show the urgent need of daily necessities
銆€銆€[C] indicate their effect on people鈥� buying power
銆€銆€[D] manifest the significant role of good habits
銆€銆€閬搞€怉銆�锛屾湰椤岃糠鎯戦伕闋�(xi脿ng)鏄疍锛屽叾瀵�(sh铆)鏂囩珷娌掓湁寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)閫欐槸濂界繏(x铆)鎱�锛屽彧鏄腑绔嬬殑绔嬪牬(ch菐ng)鎻忚堪浜嗛€欎簺鐢�(ch菐n)鍝佸奖闊夸簡浜哄€戠殑缈�(x铆)鎱c€�
銆€銆€33. Which of the following does NOT belong to products that help create people鈥檚 habits?
銆€銆€[A]Tide [B] Crest [C] Colgate [D] Unilever
銆€銆€閬搞€怐銆戯紝鏍规摎(j霉)绗洓鍜岀鍏嚜鐒舵鐨勬灏惧彞锛岀櫦(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)鍙湁Unilever鏂囩珷娌掓湁闂¤堪鏄惁瀹冨公鍔╀簡浜哄€戠敘(ch菐n)鐢熺繏(x铆)鎱�銆�
銆€銆€34. From the text we know that some of consumer鈥檚 habits are developed due to _____
銆€銆€[A]perfected art of products
銆€銆€[B]automatic behavior creation
銆€銆€[C]commercial promotions
銆€銆€[D]scientific experiments
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)鏂囩珷鍚庡洓娈�锛屼笉闆g櫦(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)鍟嗘キ(y猫)寤e憡鏄富瑕佸師鍥�锛屾墍浠ラ伕C銆�
銆€銆€35. The author鈥檚 attitude toward the influence of advertisement on people鈥檚 habits is____
銆€銆€[A]indifferent [B]negative [C]positive [D]biased
銆€銆€閬搞€怋銆�锛屼綔鑰呭皪(du矛)浜庡晢妤�(y猫)寤e憡鐢ㄧ殑褰㈠瑭烇細鍦ㄧ鍥涙鏄痵hrewd(鐙$尵鐨�锛岀簿鏄庣殑)锛屽湪绗�7娈垫槸ruthless(鐒℃儏鐨勶紝娈樺繊鐨�)锛岃鏄庝綔鑰呭皪(du矛)浜庡唬鍛婄殑浣滅敤鐨勮榛�(di菐n)鏄矤(f霉)闈㈢殑銆�
銆€銆€Text 4
銆€銆€Many Americans regard the jury system as a concrete expression of crucial democratic values, including the principles that all citizens who meet minimal qualifications of age and literacy are equally competent to serve on juries; that jurors should be selected randomly from a representative cross section of the community; that no citizen should be denied the right to serve on a jury on account of race, religion, sex, or national origin; that defendants are entitled to trial by their peers; and that verdicts should represent the conscience of the community and not just the letter of the law. The jury is also said to be the best surviving example of direct rather than representative democracy. In a direct democracy, citizens take turns governing themselves, rather than electing representatives to govern for them銆�
銆€銆€But as recently as in 1986, jury selection procedures conflicted with these democratic ideals. In some states, for example, jury duty was limited to persons of supposedly superior intelligence, education, and moral character. Although the Supreme Court of the United States had prohibited intentional racial discrimination in jury selection as early as the 1880 case of Strauder v. West Virginia, the practice of selecting so-called elite or blue-ribbon juries provided a convenient way around this and other antidiscrimination laws銆�
銆€銆€The system also failed to regularly include women on juries until the mid-20th century. Although women first served on state juries in Utah in 1898, it was not until the 1940s that a majority of states made women eligible for jury duty. Even then several states automatically exempted women from jury duty unless they personally asked to have their names included on the jury list. This practice was justified by the claim that women were needed at home, and it kept juries unrepresentative of women through the 1960s銆�
銆€銆€In 1968, the Congress of the United States passed the Jury Selection and Service Act, ushering in a new era of democratic reforms for the jury. This law abolished special educational requirements for federal jurors and required them to be selected at random from a cross section of the entire community. In the landmark 1975 decision Taylor v. Louisiana, the Supreme Court extended the requirement that juries be representative of all parts of the community to the state level. The Taylor decision also declared sex discrimination in jury selection to be unconstitutional and ordered states to use the same procedures for selecting male and female jurors銆�
銆€銆€36. From the principles of the US jury system, we learn that ______
銆€銆€[A]both literate and illiterate people can serve on juries
銆€銆€[B]defendants are immune from trial by their peers
銆€銆€[C]no age limit should be imposed for jury service
銆€銆€[D]judgment should consider the opinion of the public
銆€銆€閬搞€怐銆戯紝鍥�?y脿n)姒堣皾娆㈣潾ho meet minimal qualifications of age and literacy锛屽嵆鍙閬�(d谩)鍒板熀鏈勾榻″拰鏂囧寲瑕佹眰鍗冲彲锛岃€孉閬搁爡(xi脿ng)娌掓湁寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鏈€浣庢枃鍖栬姹�锛孋娌掓湁寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鏈€浣庡勾榻¤姹�锛屾墍浠ュ潎閷�(cu貌)銆傚彟澶�锛屾枃涓彧瑾湁娆�(qu谩n)璁撹嚜宸辩殑鍚屼即瀵╄▕鑷繁锛岃€孊閬搁爡(xi脿ng)瑾警璀�(h霉)浜烘垨琚憡涓嶆渻(hu矛)鍙楀埌鍚屼即鐨勫瑷�锛岄€欏€�(g猫)瑾硶浜庢枃绔犱笉涓€鑷达紝灞簬鐒′腑鐢熸湁銆�
銆€銆€37. The practice of selecting so鈥攃alled elite jurors prior to 1968 showed_____
銆€銆€[A]the inadequacy of antidiscrimination laws
銆€銆€[B]the prevalent discrimination against certain races
銆€銆€[C]the conflicting ideals in jury selection procedures
銆€銆€[D]the arrogance common among the Supreme Court judges銆�
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)绗簩娈垫棣栨灏惧彞锛屼笉闆g湅鍑轰簨鑸囨効閬曪紝瀵�(sh铆)闅涙搷浣滆垏鎯宠薄涓嶄竴妯�锛屾湁娌栫獊銆侭閷�(cu貌)鐨勫師鍥犳槸鍋锋彌浜嗚硴瑾�锛屾枃绔犵浜屾绗簩鍙ヨ┍娌掓湁寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鐣�(d膩ng)鏅�(sh铆)姝цr(sh铆)aces(涓嶅悓绋棌鐨勪汉)
銆€銆€38. Even in the 1960s, women were seldom on the jury list in some states because_____
銆€銆€[A]they were automatically banned by state laws
銆€銆€[B]they fell far short of the required qualifications
銆€銆€[C]they were supposed to perform domestic duties
銆€銆€[D]they tended to evade public engagement
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛岄棞(gu膩n)閸佃1960s瀹氫綅浜庣涓夋锛孉閷�(cu貌)瑾ょ殑鍘熷洜涓嶆槸state law绂佹鐨�锛孊D鐒′腑鐢熸湁銆侰渚嗚嚜浜庢灏惧彞the claim that women were needed at home銆�
銆€銆€39. After the Jury Selection and Service Act was passed.___
銆€銆€[A]sex discrimination in jury selection was unconstitutional and had to be abolished
銆€銆€[B]educational requirements became less rigid in the selection of federal jurors
銆€銆€[C]jurors at the state level ought to be representative of the entire community
銆€銆€[D]states ought to conform to the federal court in reforming the jury system
銆€銆€閬搞€怋銆�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)绗洓娈电涓€浜屽叐鍙ヨ┍锛孊鏄纰虹殑銆備絾D閷�(cu貌)瑾ょ殑鍘熷洜鏄�锛屽伔鎻涗簡conform鐨勮硴瑾烇紝鎳�(y墨ng)瑭叉槸鏍规摎(j霉)Jury Selection and Service Act閫�(j矛n)琛屾敼闈�銆侫C閷�(cu貌)瑾ゆ槸瀹氫綅閷�(cu貌)瑾�锛屾湰椤屼簬1975骞磀ecision Taylor v. Louisiana涓€浜嬬劇闂�(gu膩n)銆�
銆€銆€40. In discussing the US jury system, the text centers on_______
銆€銆€[A]its nature and problems
銆€銆€[B]its characteristics and tradition
銆€銆€[C]its problems and their solutions
銆€銆€[D]its tradition and development
銆€銆€閬搞€怌銆�锛屽緸绗簩娈电涓€鍙ワ細But as recently as in 1986, jury selection procedures conflicted with these democratic ideals. 绗笁娈电涓€鍙ワ細The system also failed to regularly include women on juries until the mid-20th century. 浠ュ強绗洓娈电涓€鍙n 1968, the Congress of the United States passed the Jury Selection and Service Act, ushering in a new era of democratic reforms for the jury. 涓嶉洠鐪嬪嚭鏈枃寰炵浜屾涓€鐩村埌鏈€鍚�锛岄兘鏄湪闂¤堪闄鍦�(tu谩n)鍒跺害鐨勫晱椤�锛屼互鍙婂浣曡В姹洪櫔瀵╁湗(tu谩n)鍒跺害鐨勫晱椤�銆�
銆€銆€鏂伴鍨�
銆€銆€鏈枃鍑鸿檿锛歍he Economist print edition锛汥ec 3rd 2009
銆€銆€http://www.economist.com/sciencetechnology/displaystory.cfm?story_id=15009915
銆€銆€鍘熸枃妯�(bi膩o)椤岋細Copying birds may save aircraft fuel
銆€銆€BOTH Boeing and Airbus have trumpeted the efficiency of their newest aircraft, the 787 and A350 respectively. Their clever designs and lightweight composites certainly make a difference. But a group of researchers at Stanford University, led by Ilan Kroo, has suggested that airlines could take a more naturalistic approach to cutting jet-fuel use, and it would not require them to buy new aircraft銆�
銆€銆€绗�41椤岋細銆怓銆� 鍥�?y脿n)杞眞姗�(j墨)鐨勯琛岃矾绶氬彲浠ユ敼鐢ㄦ洿鍏蜂豢鐢熸晥鎳�(y墨ng)鐨勮矾寰戜締绡€(ji茅)鐪佺噧娌�锛岃€屼笖骞朵笉闇€瑕佽臣(g貌u)璨锋柊鐨勯姗�(j墨)銆�
銆€銆€The answer, says Dr Kroo, lies with birds. Since 1914, and a seminal paper by a German researcher called Carl Wieselsberger, scientists have known that birds flying in formation鈥攁 V-shape, echelon or otherwise鈥攅xpend less energy. The air flowing over a bird鈥檚 wings curls upwards behind the wingtips, a phenomenon known as upwash. Other birds flying in the upwash experience reduced drag, and spend less energy propelling themselves. Peter Lissaman, an aeronautics expert who was formerly at Caltech and the University of Southern California, has suggested that a formation of 25 birds might enjoy a range increase of 71%銆�
銆€銆€绗�42椤岋細銆怲銆�锛屽洜?y脿n)闁恟ag鏈夐樆鍔涚殑鎰忔€濄€�
銆€銆€When applied to aircraft, the principles are not substantially different. Dr Kroo and his team modeled what would happen if three passenger jets departing from Los Angeles, San Francisco and Las Vegas were to rendezvous over Utah, assume an inverted V-formation, occasionally swap places so all could have a turn in the most favorable positions, and proceed to London. They found that the aircraft consumed as much as 15% less fuel (coupled with a reduction in carbon-dioxide output). Nitrogen-oxide emissions during the cruising portions of the flight fell by around a quarter銆�
銆€銆€There are, of course, kinks to be worked out. One consideration is safety, or at least the perception of it. Would passengers feel comfortable traveling in convoy? Dr Kroo points out that the aircraft could be separated by several nautical miles, and would not be in the intimate groupings favored by display teams like the Red Arrows. A passenger peering out of the window might not even see the other planes. Whether the separation distances involved would satisfy air-traffic-control regulations is another matter, although a working group at the International Civil Aviation Organization has included the possibility of formation flying in a blueprint for new operational guidelines銆�
銆€銆€绗�43椤岋細銆怲銆�锛屾牴鎿�(j霉)浠ヤ笂鍔冪窔閮ㄥ垎锛屽嵆椋涙(j墨)闁撴渻(hu矛)鐩搁殧骞炬捣閲�锛屼笉鏈�(hu矛)鍍忕磪绠〃婕旈殜(du矛)(鑻卞湅(gu贸)鐨囧绌鸿粛鐗规妧琛ㄦ紨闅�(du矛))閭fǎ闁撹窛灏忓埌浠や汉绐掓伅銆備箻瀹㈠線绐楀鐪嬩篃瑷遍兘鐪嬩笉鍒板彟澶栫殑椋涙(j墨)?锛熸ⅱ缂樿锤榫€涓濇帹閶�?sh铆)涓嶅彈褰遍熆銆傚彟澶栬娉ㄦ剰鐨勬槸锛岄鐩腑鐨刴ore鍦ㄩ€欓噷涓嶈〃绀烘瘮杓冪礆(j铆)銆�
銆€銆€It remains to be seen how weather conditions affect the air flows that make formation flight more efficient. In zones of increased turbulence, the planes鈥� wakes will decay more quickly and the effect will diminish. Dr Kroo says this is one of the areas his team will investigate further. It might also be hard for airlines to co-ordinate the departure times and destinations of passenger aircraft in a way that would allow them to gain from formation flight. Cargo aircraft, in contrast, might be easier to reschedule, as might routine military flights銆�
銆€銆€绗�44椤岋細銆怲銆戞棣栧彞寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鈥滃ぉ姘f儏娉佸皪(du矛)姘f祦鐨勫奖闊跨従(xi脿n)鍦ㄤ粛闇€瑙€瀵熲€濇墍浠ユ湰椤屾纰�銆�
銆€銆€As it happens, America鈥檚 armed forces are on the case already. Earlier this year the country鈥檚 Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency announced plans to pay Boeing to investigate formation flight, though the program has yet to begin. There are reports that some military aircraft flew in formation when they were low on fuel during the Second World War, but Dr Lissaman says they are apocryphal. 鈥淢y father was an RAF pilot and my cousin the skipper of a Lancaster lost over Berlin,鈥� he adds. So he should know銆�
銆€銆€绗�45椤岋細銆怓銆戞牴鎿�(j霉)but杞�(zhu菐n)鎶樿锛屽嵆鍔冪窔閮ㄥ垎锛屼絾Dr Lissaman绋遍偅浜涢兘鏄潨鎾扮殑銆�
銆€銆€41. Findings of the Stanford University researchers will promote the sales of new Boeing and Airbus aircraft銆�
銆€銆€42. The upwash experience may save propelling energy as well as reducing resistance銆�
銆€銆€43. Formation flight is more comfortable because passengers can not see the other planes銆�
銆€銆€44. The role that weather plays in formation flight has not yet been clearly defined銆�
銆€銆€45. It has been documented that during World War II, America鈥檚 armed forces once tried formation flight to save fuel銆�
鍏嶈铂(z茅)鑱叉槑锛氭湰鏂囩郴杞�(zhu菐n)杓夎嚜缍�(w菐ng)绲�(lu貌)锛屽鏈変镜鐘�锛岃珛(q菒ng)鑱�(li谩n)绯绘垜鍊戠珛鍗冲埅闄�锛屽彟锛氭湰鏂囧儏浠h〃浣滆€呭€�(g猫)浜鸿榛�(di菐n)锛岃垏鏈恫(w菐ng)绔欑劇闂�(gu膩n)銆傚叾鍘熷壍(chu脿ng)鎬т互鍙婃枃涓櫝杩版枃瀛楀拰鍏�(n猫i)瀹规湭缍�(j墨ng)鏈珯璀夊(sh铆)锛屽皪(du矛)鏈枃浠ュ強鍏朵腑鍏ㄩ儴鎴栬€呴儴鍒嗗収(n猫i)瀹�銆佹枃瀛楃殑鐪熷(sh铆)鎬�銆佸畬鏁存€�銆佸強鏅�(sh铆)鎬ф湰绔欎笉浣滀换浣曚繚璀夋垨鎵胯锛岃珛(q菒ng)璁€鑰呭儏浣滃弮鑰�锛屽苟璜�(q菒ng)鑷鏍稿(sh铆)鐩搁棞(gu膩n)鍏�(n猫i)瀹�銆�