銆€銆€2005骞�鑰冪爺鑻辫獮(y菙)鏀归潻浠ヤ締(l谩i)锛岄柋璁€鐞嗚В閮ㄥ垎涓嶇鏄枃绔犻伕鎿囬倓鏄鍨嬭€冩煡閮界浉鐣�(d膩ng)?sh霉)濮嗏偓(w臎n)瀹氾紝瑭炲尟鑰冩煡鍜岄鐩洠搴︽瘡骞寸殑璁婂寲浜︿笉澶с€傚洜姝ゅ湪鍌欒€�2010骞村害鑰冪爺鑻辫獮(y菙)闁辫畝鐞嗚В鐨勬矕鍒洪殠娈�锛岄櫎浜嗕竴濡傛棦寰€鍦伴瀼鍥鸿鍖�锛屽姞寮�(qi谩ng)鍙ュ瓙鐨勯柋璁€鑳藉姏浠ュ強淇濇寔鑹ソ鐨勮€冭│鐙€鎱�(t脿i)浠ュ锛屽皪(du矛)鑰冪爺闁辫畝鐞嗚В椤屽瀷鐨勬竻鏅颁簡瑙ｅ拰婧�(zh菙n)鍌欐槸鍌欒€冩渶鍚庨殠娈甸潪甯搁噸瑕佺殑涓€鐠�(hu谩n)锛屽湪鑰冨牬(ch菐ng)涓�锛屾鏍圭祼(ji茅)搴曟槸鐐轰簡鍋氬皪(du矛)椤�锛屽緸椤屽瀷鐨勮搴﹀嚭鐧�(f膩)閫�(j矛n)琛屾渶鍚庣殑娌栧埡鏄崄鍒嗗繀瑕佺殑銆�

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銆€銆€(06-01)In spite of 鈥渆ndless talk of difference鈥濓紝American society is an amazing machine for homogenizing people. There is 鈥渢he democratizing uniformity of dress and discourse锛宎nd the casualness and absence of deference鈥� characteristic of popular culture. People are absorbed into 鈥渁 culture of consumption鈥� launched by the 19th鈥斺€攃entury department stores that offered 鈥渧ast arrays of goods in an elegant atmosphere銆�

銆€銆€21.The word 鈥渉omogenizing鈥�(Line 1, Paragraph 1) most probably means

銆€銆€[A] identifying    [B] associating    [C] assimilating    [D] monopolizing

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銆€銆€涓绘棬妯�(bi膩o)椤岄

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銆€銆€(07-03-35)Which of the following is the best title for this text?

銆€銆€[A] The Middle Class on the Alert    [B] The Middle Class on the Cliff銆�

銆€銆€[C] The Middle Class in Conflict     [D] The Middle Class in Ruins銆�

銆€銆€閫欐槸妯�(bi膩o)椤岄锛岄噸榛�(di菐n)鑰冩煡鏂囩珷涓绘棬銆傜洿鎺ョ湅涓€涓嬫枃棣栨湯娈电殑棣栨湯鍚嶄締(l谩i)纰哄畾绛旀銆傚緸閬搁爡(xi脿ng)鍙互鐪嬪嚭锛岄噸榛�(di菐n)鏄湪瑷庤珫涓敘(ch菐n)闅庣礆(j铆)(middle class)锛屼富椤屾槸涓€鑷寸殑銆�

銆€銆€(棣栨)During the past generation, the American middle-class family that once could count on hard work and fair play to keep itself financially secure had been transformed by economic risk and new realties. Now a pink slip, a bad diagnosis, or a disappearing spouse can reduce a family from solidly middle class to newly poor in a few months銆�

銆€銆€(鏈)From the middle-class family perspective, much of this, understandably, looks far less like an opportunity to exercise more financial responsibility, and a good deal more like a frightening acceleration of the wholesale shift of financial risk onto their already overburdened shoulders. The financial fallout has begun, and the political fallout may not be far behind銆�

銆€銆€寰為鍙ュ彲浠ョ湅鍑轰富骞茬殑鏍稿績鍕�(d貌ng)瑭炴槸transform鏀硅畩銆傚悗涓€鍙�锛屼富楂旀剰鎬濊〃閬�(d谩)涔熸槸涓敘(ch菐n)闅庣礆(j铆)灏囪畩绐�(reduce to newly poor)锛屽洜姝ら€欏叾涓矤(f霉)闈㈢殑鎰忓懗闈炲父鏄庨’銆�

銆€銆€寰炴渶鍚庝竴娈电殑棣栧彞锛屽垎鏋愬嚭涓诲共鍚庢渻(hu矛)鐧�(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)灏�(du矛)浜庝腑鐢�(ch菐n)闅庣礆(j铆)渚�(l谩i)瑾�(shu艒)鐩墠鐨勫眬鍕�(sh矛)瀹屽叏涓嶆槸姗�(j墨)鏈�(hu矛)锛岃€屾槸鎸戞埌(zh脿n)锛�(looks far less like an opportunity, and more like a acceleration of risk)鍙互鐪嬪嚭涓敘(ch菐n)闅庣礆(j铆)鐨勭敓娲绘鍦ㄧ櫦(f膩)鐢熷法澶х殑璁婂寲锛岃檿鍦ㄦ嚫宕栭倞涓�(on the cliff)锛岀瓟妗堢偤B锛屽叾浣欑殑绛旀閮藉お澶у拰澶皬銆�

銆€銆€绱�(x矛)绡€(ji茅)浜嬪(sh铆)椤�

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銆€銆€(07-01-23) According to Ericsson, good memory

銆€銆€[A] depends on meaningful processing of information銆�

銆€銆€[B] results from intuitive rather than cognitive exercises銆�

銆€銆€[C] is determined by genetic rather than psychological factors銆�

銆€銆€[D] requires immediate feedback and a high degree of concentration銆�

銆€銆€This success, coupled with later research showing that memory itself is not genetically determined, led Ericsson to conclude that the act of memorizing is more of a cognitive exercise than an intuitive one. In other words, whatever inborn differences two people may exhibit in their abilities to memorize, those differences are swamped by how well each person 鈥渆ncodes鈥� the information. And the best way to learn how to encode information meaningfully, Ericsson determined, was a process known as deliberate practice. Deliberate practice entails more than simply repeating a task. Rather, it involves setting specific goals, obtaining immediate feedback and concentrating as much on technique as on outcome銆�

銆€銆€閫欐槸瀹屽叏闁�(k膩i)鏀剧殑绱�(x矛)绡€(ji茅)椤岋紝鍙兘浠ラ伕闋�(xi脿ng)閫�(j矛n)琛屼竴鍊�(g猫)涓€鍊�(g猫)鐨勬煡鎵�銆侫閬搁爡(xi脿ng)姣旇純娌�(m茅i)鏈夌壒鑹诧紝鎴戝€戝厛鐪婤锛岄噷闈㈢殑鍏╁€�(g猫)瑭瀒ntuitive銆乧ognitive涓嶆槸澶啛锛屼絾鍙互鐧�(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)瀹冨€�?c猫)璋栭椆鎯虹獌顓崀鍐嶇従(xi脿n)鐨勩€傚皪(du矛)姣斾竴涓�锛屾渻(hu矛)鐧�(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)鍦ㄧ祼(ji茅)妲�(g貌u)涓婂氨涓嶅悓銆傛枃绔犳槸the act of memorizing is more of a cognitive exercise than an intuitive one锛岄伕闋�(xi脿ng)鏄痳esults from intuitive rather than cognitive exercises锛屾枃绔犲挤(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鐨勬槸more鐨勫悗闈ognitive锛岃€岄伕闋�(xi脿ng)寮�(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鐨勬槸rather than鐨勫墠闈ntuitive锛屾槑椤槸涓嶅悓鐨�銆�

銆€銆€鍐嶇湅C锛屾枃绔犱腑鏄痬emory itself is not genetically determined锛岄伕闋�(xi脿ng)鏄痠s determined by genetic rather than psychological factors锛屽挤(qi谩ng)瑾�(di脿o)鐨勬槸rather than鐨勫墠闈enetic,閫欒垏鍘熸枃鐩稿弽锛屾帓闄�銆�

銆€銆€鍐嶇湅D, 鏂囩珷鏄痠t involves setting specific goals, obtaining immediate feedback and concentrating as much on technique as on outcome. 閬搁爡(xi脿ng)鏄痳equires immediate feedback and a high degree of concentration锛屾枃涓彁鍒颁簡goals, feedback, concentration涓夊€�(g猫)鍏�(n猫i)瀹�锛岃€岄伕闋�(xi脿ng)涓彧鏈夊悗鍏╄€咃紝淇℃伅鏄庨’缂哄け锛屾帓闄�銆�

銆€銆€鍐嶇湅A锛屽畾浣嶅埌鏂囩珷鍚庣櫦(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)鏂囦腑鏄疉nd the best way to learn how to encode information meaningfully, Ericsson determined, was a process known as deliberate practice. 鍏朵腑鐨別ncode鑸囬伕闋�(xi脿ng)涓殑process鏄悓缇╄綁(zhu菐n)鍖�锛岀瓟妗堢偤A銆�

銆€銆€鎺ㄧ悊鍒ゆ柗椤�

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銆€銆€(07-03-33)It can be inferred from the last paragraph that

銆€銆€[A] financial risks tend to outweigh political risks銆�

銆€銆€[B] the middle class may face greater political challenges銆�

銆€銆€[C] financial problems may bring about political problems銆�

銆€銆€[D] financial responsibility is an indicator of political status銆�

銆€銆€(鏈)From the middle-class family perspective, much of this, understandably, looks far less like an opportunity to exercise more financial responsibility, and a good deal more like a frightening acceleration of the wholesale shift of financial risk onto their already overburdened shoulders. The financial fallout has begun, and the political fallout may not be far behind銆�

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銆€銆€鍔熻兘鑸変緥椤�

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銆€銆€(07-01-21)The birthday phenomenon found among soccer players is mentioned to

銆€銆€[A] stress the importance of professional training銆�

銆€銆€[B] spotlight the soccer superstars at the World Cup銆�

銆€銆€[C] introduce the topic of what makes expert performance銆�

銆€銆€[D] explain why some soccer teams play better than others銆�

銆€銆€Mention琛ㄦ槑閫欐槸鍔熻兘椤屻€傚畾浣嶅氨鏄互soccer锛宐irthday閫欏€�(g猫)瑭為€�(j矛n)琛屽畾浣�銆傚洜?y脿n)妲爲璋濇椿}锛岃偗瀹氭槸鍦ㄥ墠闈€€�

銆€銆€If you were to examine the birth certificates of every soccer player in 2006鈥檚 World Cup tournament, you would most likely find a noteworthy quirk: elite soccer players are more likely to have been born in the earlier months of the year than in the late months. If you then examined the European national youth teams that feed the World Cup and professional ranks, you would find this strange phenomenon to be ever more pronounced銆�

銆€銆€What might account for this strange phenomenon锛� Here are a few guesses: a) certain astrological signs confer superior soccer skills; b) winter born babies tend to have higher oxygen capacity, which increases soccer stamina; c) soccer-mad parents are more likely to conceive children in springtime, at the annual peak of soccer mania; d) none of the above銆�

銆€銆€鍙互鐪嬪嚭锛屾枃绔犵殑鏁村€�(g猫)绗竴娈甸兘鏄湪瑷庤珫鏈夐棞(gu膩n)瓒崇悆鐨勪簨鎯呫€傝(shu艒)鏄庨€欎竴鏁存閮芥槸渚嬪瓙鏈韩锛岄兘涓嶆槸瑕佹垜鍊戦棞(gu膩n)娉ㄧ殑鍏�(n猫i)瀹�銆�

銆€銆€灏�(du矛)姣斾竴涓嬮伕闋�(xi脿ng)锛屽彲浠ョ櫦(f膩)鐝�(xi脿n)锛孉锛孊锛孌涓兘鏄涓€娈电窗(x矛)绡€(ji茅)鐨勯噸鐝�(xi脿n)锛宲rofessional training, World Cup, soccer绛夐兘鏄窗(x矛)绡€(ji茅)锛岀洿鎺ユ帓闄�锛屽緱鍒扮瓟妗圕銆�

銆€銆€鎱�(t脿i)搴﹀偩鍚戦

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銆€銆€(07-02-30)What is the author鈥檚 attitude towards IQ test?

銆€銆€[A] Supportive    [B] Skeptical    [C] Impartial    [D] Biased

銆€銆€閫欐槸鍏ㄦ枃鎱�(t脿i)搴﹂锛屾煡鐪嬪悇娈甸鍙ワ紝閲嶉粸(di菐n)鏌ユ壘鎰熸儏鑹插僵瑭�銆�

銆€銆€绗竴娈垫槸寮曞叆瑭遍锛屽彲浠ヨ烦閬�(gu貌)銆�

銆€銆€绗簩娈甸鍙ワ細Clearly, intelligence encompasses more than a score on a test. 鍙互鐪嬪嚭浣滆€呭苟涓嶆槸瀹屽叏璐婂悓IQ娓�(c猫)瑭�锛宑learly閫欏€�(g猫)瑭炴槑椤〃鏄庝簡浣滆€呯殑鎱�(t脿i)搴�锛屾帓闄銆�

銆€銆€绗笁娈电殑棣栧彞锛歍he defining term of intelligence in humans still seems to be the IQ score, even though IQ tests are not given as often as they used to be. 瑾�(shu艒)鏄庝綔鑰呰獚(r猫n)鐐烘脯(c猫)瑭︽墜娈甸倓鏄渻(hu矛)鐢ㄥ埌IQ銆�

銆€銆€绗洓娈佃┍閶掍竴杞�(zhu菐n)锛宻uch standardized tests may not assess all the important elements necessary to succeed in school and in life, argues Robert J. Sternberg銆傚叾涓富骞茶瑐瑾�(y菙)鏄痬ay not assess all, 鐩存帴灏辫〃鏄庝綔鑰呰獚(r猫n)鐐洪€欑ó娓�(c猫)瑭﹀苟涓嶆槸钀�(w脿n)鑳界殑锛屽皪(du矛)鍏舵脯(c猫)瑭︾祼(ji茅)鏋滄湁涓€瀹氱殑鎳风枒銆侰鍜孌鑸囧師鏂囦笉绗�锛屾墍浠ョ瓟妗堢偤B銆傛柊鏉辨柟鑰冪爺鑻辫獮(y菙)闁辫畝鍚嶅斧 閯枃杓�